Obama wanted U.S. action in Darfur. Why not in Syria?
Syrian refugees eat their lunch outside their
tent at a refugee camp in the eastern Lebanese border town of Arsal, Lebanon,
Sunday, Dec. 15, 2013. Tens of thousands of impoverished Syrian refugees living
in tents, shacks and unfinished buildings throughout Lebanon face a miserable
winter as aid organizations scramble to meet their needs, constantly
overwhelmed by ever-more Syrians fleeing their country’s war. Charities have
already distributed blankets, mattresses, kerosene heaters, winter clothes and
coupons for fuel ahead of the region’s unprecedented storm this week that
blanketed parts of Lebanon, the Palestinian Territories, Turkey, Israel and
even Egypt’s deserts with snow, amid icy and rainy winds.
Today, an equivalent
humanitarian catastrophe is unfolding in Syria.
Forces loyal to Bashar al-Assad have besieged as many as 290,000
people near Damascus, who are dying of hunger,
according to United Nations officials.
Fewer people have died
in Syria than in the Darfur region of Sudan, but still the number exceeds
100,000. More Syrians are homeless: more than 2 million — 10 percent of the
population — have fled Syria altogether, and millions more are displaced within
the country.
Yet the Obama
administration, whileproviding aid for the refugees,
has done virtually nothing for the people inside.
How could this be?
Here are some
possible explanations.
They don’t know what is happening.
Seven weeks ago Secretary of State Kerry
bemoaned “Assad’s war of starvation” in an op-ed. He cited
“reports of severe malnutrition across vast swaths of Syria suffering under
regime blockades . . . risks [of] a ‘lost generation’ of Syrian children traumatized,
orphaned, and starved by this barbaric war. . . . The regime has systematically blocked food
shipments to strategically located districts, leading to a rising toll of death
and misery.”
Ignorance can’t be
the explanation.
What’s happening in Syria is a civil war, not a humanitarian
catastrophe.
Yes, a civil war is
taking place, with barbarism on both sides. Yes, it is complicated. Yes, as
Obama says, only a political settlement can end the fighting.
But all of that was true of Darfur, as well.
Susan Rice, now Obama’s national security adviser, did not believe then that
humanitarian considerations should be set aside while ambassadors tried to
jump-start negotiations.
“Diplomacy takes
time,” Rice
testified to the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee in 2007. “America’s principal priority in Darfur must be to stop the
suffering and killing, and to do so quickly. . . . Both efforts must proceed in
tandem, but the stopping of mass murder must be the most urgent task.”
There’s nothing we can do.
No one wants to send
U.S. troops to Syria; no one contemplated sending U.S. troops to Darfur.
Yet Rice understood
how many other feasible, affordable options exist, as she co-wrote in a Post op-ed in 2004:
“Such military action might entail airdrops, a no-fly zone to protect civilians
from government bombing, the establishment of humanitarian safe zones and
security for critical deliveries by rail and road.”
If Rice and her boss
today tasked the Pentagon to develop options to save the Syrian people from
starvation, the Pentagon would deliver options. They might not save everyone.
But they would save thousands, and they would be feasible and affordable.
U.S. action would be illegal without U.N. approval, and
Russia would block U.N. approval.
“Perhaps,” Rice wrote in 2006,
with two co-authors. “But the Security Council recently codified a new
international norm prescribing ‘the responsibility to protect.’ It commits U.N.
members to decisive action, including enforcement, when peaceful measures fail
to halt genocide or crimes against humanity.”
Deliberate starvation
of hundreds of thousands of civilians constitutes a crime against humanity.
Sadly, that seems to
leave one possibility:
It doesn’t matter to us.
That wasn’t Obama’s
posture when he contemplated the tragedy in Darfur. “When you read just
horrendous accounts of entire villages being decimated and children being
murdered... it just breaks your heart, and humanitarian concerns should be
sufficient,”he said in 2006.
“But we also have a strong national security interest. If you start seeing more
and more failed states, more and more displaced persons, more and more
refugees, all of that becomes a breeding ground for terrorist activity . . . we can’t insulate
ourselves from these tragedies.”
Nor was it his
posture when Syrians first protested for democracy, nor even as Assad
intensified his crackdown. “The Syrian people have not given up, which is why
we cannot give up,” he vowed in April 2012.
Yet, by September
2013, Obama sounded as though he had
given up: “[T]he United States can’t get in the middle of somebody
else’s civil war,” he told ABC News.
Seven weeks ago,
Kerry wrote plaintively: “The world cannot sit by watching innocents die.”
But of course the
world can and does.
The Kerry, Rice and
Obama we thought we knew would have put it differently.
“America cannot sit
by watching innocents die,” they would have said.
But Obama’s America
can, and does.

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